The Juvenile Justice System

By Catherine M. Davis

April 5, 2006

 

Are juveniles as under control today as they were in the past? Crime plays a major role in today’s society. The government follows the policy and has always followed the policy that no crime goes unpunished. The controversy that surrounds the United States courtrooms today is whether or not a minor needs to stand trial as an adult for committing a serious offense. These decisions made by the judge or jury in the preliminary hearing affect the rest of the suspect’s life. The opposing argument to the issue of juveniles being tried as adults remains that the minor is too young and immature to understand the consequences of what he or she did wrong. Juveniles need to be punished according to the severity of the crime in which they committed. Ultimately, juveniles should stand trial as adults.

 

[1]In the United States twenty-five states allow for the execution of juveniles, twenty-one states have a minimum age for execution at the age of 16 and four states at the age of 17. No other democracy in the world allows for the execution of Juveniles, In fact the United States joins only Iran, Nigeria, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Yemen as nations that have executed children.

 

History of the Juvenile Death Penalty

 

Thomas Graunger, the first juvenile known to be executed in America, was tried and found guilty of bestiality in 1642 in Plymouth Colony, MA (Hale, 1997). Since that execution, 361 individuals have been executed for crimes committed when they were juveniles (Streib, 2000).

The Supreme Court decided its first juvenile case Kent v. United States, [2] in which it limited the waiver discretion of juvenile court in 1966. Initially, juvenile courts had enjoyed broad discretion in deciding when to waive cases to criminal court. However, waiver decisions were not consistent across States, and legislatures began to reform the process by standardizing judicial decision making. Kent held that juveniles were entitled to a hearing, representation by counsel, access to information upon which the waiver decision was based, and a statement of reasons justifying the waiver decision. The court also laid out a number of factors that the juvenile court judge must consider in making the waiver decision (Evans, 1992), including:

  • The seriousness and type of offense and the manner in which it was committed.
  • The sophistication and maturity of the juvenile as determined by consideration of his or her home life, environmental situation, emotional attitude, and pattern of living.
  • The juvenile's record and history.
  • The prospects for protecting the public and rehabilitating the juvenile.

Juveniles were guaranteed certain rights, but they still potentially faced the same

Punishments, including capital punishment, as adults in the criminal justice system.

 

In the 1980’s the Supreme Court was repeatedly asked to rule on whether the execution of a juvenile offender was permissible under the constitution. Between 1983 and 1986 the Supreme Court rejected five requests to consider the constitutionality of imposing the death penalty on a juvenile. The chart below shows the death penalty imposed on a juvenile. [3]  

Table 2

A review of individual and death penalty cases often reveals years of trauma and deprivation prior to the commission of capital offenses. Public investment in early intervention programs for children at the risk of abuse with caring adults will go along way toward elimating violent crimes, including capital offenses.  The decision whether to offer a juvenile with a capital offense and to impose the death sentence on a juvenile offender, takes place within a system in which race is deeply ingrained. The race of the offender might influence if not dictate, that determination[4]. As of June 30, 2004 there are currently 72 juveniles under sentence of death in the United States. Two thirds are teenagers of color and two thirds are white more then half of the juveniles who were executed since 1973 were black or Latino. [5]A study of exonerations occurring between 1989 and 2003 revealed that ninety percent of exonerated juveniles were African American or Latino.  A total of 226 juvenile death sentences have been imposed since 1973. Of these, 78 remain currently in force and are still being litigated. Of the other 148 sentences finally resolved, 22 (15%) have resulted in execution and 126 (85%) have been reversed or commuted.  The U. S. Supreme Court has held that the U. S. Constitution prohibits execution for crimes committed at age 15 and younger but permits execution for crimes at ages 16 or older. However, the Court recently has come within one vote of declaring unconstitutional all executions for crimes committed at age 17 or younger.

The annual death sentencing rate for juvenile offenses has been declining rapidly and

Now is much less than half of the annual rate of the late 1990s. 

In 1997, the majority of cases referred to juvenile court involved White youth. The proportion of referred cases involving African American youth was twice their proportion in the population. Of the estimated 1,755,100 delinquency cases referred to the nation’s juvenile courts in 1997, 66% involved White youth, 31% involved African American youth, and 3% involved youth of other races (Table 2).

Table 1: Racial Proportions of Youth Under Age 18, 1998

79%

15%

1%

4%

 

Percent of total arrests

Most serious offense charged

Estimated number of juvenile arrests

White

African American

Native American

Asian

Total

2,603,300

71%

26%

1%

2%

Violent Crime Index

112,200

55

42

1

1

Murder

2,100

47

49

3

2

Rape

5,300

59

39

1

1

Robbery

32,500

43

54

1

2

Aggravated Assault

72,300

61

37

1

2

Property Crime Index

596,100

70

27

1

2

Burglary

116,000

73

24

1

2

Larceny-theft

417,100

70

26

1

2

Motor Vehicle Theft

54,100

61

36

1

2

Arson

9,000

80

18

1

1

Non-Index

1,895,000

73

25

1

1

Other assaults

237,700

64

33

1

1

Forgery and counterfeiting

7,100

77

21

1

2

Fraud

11,300

64

34

<1

2

Embezzlement

1,600

61

37

1

1

Stolen property, buying, Receiving, possessing

33,800

60

38

1

2

Vandalism

126,800

80

17

1

1

Weapons carrying, possessing, etc.

45,200

66

32

1

1

Prostitution

1,400

56

43

1

1

Sex offenses (except forcible rape and prostitution)

15,900

70

28

1

1

Drug abuse violations

205,800

66

32

1

1

Gambling

1,600

15

84

--

1

Offenses against the family and child.

10,200

79

19

1

2

Driving under the influence

21,000

91

6

2

1

Liquor laws

157,300

92

5

3

1

Drunkenness

24,600

89

7

3

1

Disorderly Conduct

183,700

67

32

1

1

Vagrancy

2,900

71

27

1

<1

All other offenses (except traffic)

453,000

73

25

1

2

Suspicion

1,300

79

20

1

1

Curfew and loitering law violations

187,800

71

27

1

1

Runaways

165,100

78

18

1

3

Note: Detail may not add to total due to rounding.

The data does not disaggregate Latino youth from race. In 1998, 91% of Latino youth were identified as White.

Source: Adapted from Juvenile Arrests 1998, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (1999) and Crime in the United States, 1998, Federal Bureau of Investigation (1999).

Population Data Source: U.S. Population Estimates by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1980-1998, U.S. Census Bureau, (1999).

Juvenile Court Processing

If the case is to be held in a juvenile court, a petition is filed to either send the case to juvenile or adult court. A hearing is held in which the court determines the responsibility for the offense after witnesses are called and the facts of the case are presented. The court must then consider whether juvenile court jurisdiction should be waived and the case transferred to criminal court. [6]

In 1997, the majority of cases referred to juvenile court involved White youth. The proportion of referred cases involving African American youth was twice their proportion in the population. Of the estimated 1,755,100 delinquency cases referred to the nation’s juvenile courts in 1997, 66% involved White youth, 31% involved African American youth, and 3% involved youth of other races (Table 2).

Table 2: Racial Proportions of the Juvenile Population and of Referrals to Juvenile Court

 

Percent of

 

Population

Referrals

white

79%

66%

African American

15%

31%

Other

5%

3%

Total

100%

100%

Note: Details may not add to totals due to rounding. Source: Easy Access to Juvenile Court Statistics: 1988-1997 [data presentation and analysis package]. Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (1999).

 

 

 

 

 

The statistics pertaining to the crimes that juveniles committed in the past proves that a statement must be made by trying more serious juvenile offenders as adults. First of all, minors believe, and the statistics show that the system lets the juveniles off easy because they have not yet reached adulthood. Teenagers feel that because they are young and innocent they can beat the system[7]. Out of the many minors who go to court for serious offenses, “over half leave the courtroom smiling” because the judge decided for them to be prosecuted as children which means the punishment is easy[8]. Furthermore, minors who commit serious crimes easily slip through grasp of the judicial system. Of the 20,000 juvenile delinquency cases that went to court, only one fourth were tried as adults in a criminal court.[9] Also, of the 5,000 minors who stood trial for serious crimes such as murder or attempted murder, few were convicted; therefore, the judicial system needs to prosecute more juveniles as adults for more criminal offenses involving such felonies as breaking and entering or auto theft[10]. Lastly, statistics illustrate that minors need a wake-up call to begin curbing the crimes committed by minors. “Youngsters need a serious disciplinary jolt before they can understand the bigger picture trying juveniles as adults places an interesting impact on society. Society voices itself frequently. Grand juries must decide whether or not there is enough evidence to indict anyone suspected of capital crimes. When the rare occurrence of a juvenile being tried as an adult takes place, grand juries “often focus on one or more topics of community interest”, hence it is not uncommon for minors to escape conviction. More juveniles must stand trial as adults for the legal system to maintain its full effect. The opposition to prosecuting juveniles as adults believes that the juvenile is too young to cope with the possible consequences. Those who support trying minors as adults feel many reasons account for their beliefs. [11]

                                                                

 

The Supreme Court abolished capital punishment for juvenile offenders on March 2, 2005 ruling 5 to 4 that it is unconstitutionial to sentence anyone to death for a crime while younger then 18 years of age. The Supreme Court ruled that the death penalty for minors is cruel and unusual punishment. The overturned a 1989 ruling that upheld the death penalty for 16 and 17 year old offenders.

 

 

 



[1] The Advocate, Volume 21, No 6, Nov. 1999

 

2. 463 U.S. 277 (1983).

 

[3] Coordinating council on Juvenile Justice and Delinquency prevention, November 2000

[4] Certiorari to the supreme court of Missouri, No. 03-633. Argued October 13, 2004--Decided March 1, 2005 1mar2005.

[5] certiorari to the supreme court of Missouri, No. 03-633. Argued October 13, 2004--Decided March 1, 2005 1mar2005.

 

[7] Howard, Lee. “Young Criminals Find System Blind to Age.” Jackson Clarion-Ledger. April 21, 1991, C2.

[8] Howard, Lee. “Young Criminals Find System Blind to Age.” Jackson Clarion-Ledger. April 21, 1991, C2.

[9] Snyder, Howard. Delinquency Cases in Juvenile Courts. Washington, D.C.: United States Government, 1994.

[10] Snyder, Howard. Delinquency Cases in Juvenile Courts. Washington, D.C.: United States Government, 1994.

[11] Washington Post staff writer, Wed. March 2, 2005 Page A01